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- <text id=91TT0600>
- <link 91TT1970>
- <link 89TT0757>
- <title>
- Mar. 25, 1991: Boris Yeltsin:Portrait Of A Populist
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1991
- Mar. 25, 1991 Boris Yeltsin:Russia's Maverick
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- WORLD, Page 32
- COVER STORIES
- Portrait of a Populist
- </hdr><body>
- <p>Though Yeltsin can--and does--still play a crowd like a
- virtuoso, he is no brash rabble-rouser
- </p>
- <p>By David Aikman
- </p>
- <p> His physical presence never fails to impress. At 6 ft. 4
- in., Boris Yeltsin looms over listeners and lecterns, taming
- audiences of 1 to 100,000. His ramrod-stiff stance, his thick
- silver hair, his deep, slow voice all suggest a coil of
- powerful but slow-burning energy. Yet when Yeltsin starts to
- speak, the effect is not intimidating but mesmerizing, even
- entertaining. He has the touch of a born orator, able to sense
- the mood and needs of a crowd and play it for all it's worth.
- "When I first came into the room," he told a dinner audience
- high in a Dallas skyscraper during his U.S. visit in 1989, "I
- thought I was attending the Miss America contest." Delighted
- giggles from the women; knowing chuckles from their escorts.
- The audience was captivated, and Yeltsin's great putty face
- began its expressive dance through another speech.
- </p>
- <p> Yeltsin's rapport with audiences is as instinctive with
- socialites in Chicago as it is with construction workers in his
- native Sverdlovsk. That remarkable skill constitutes a
- breakthrough in an unwritten, decades-old rule of Soviet
- politics that inhibits leaders from relating emotionally with
- their audiences. If a speaker connects, after all, the
- implication is that the views of the audience count, that
- persuasion is involved, that the audience, heaven forbid,
- actually has something to communicate back to the stage.
- Yeltsin has tapped the desperate yearning of Russians to be
- taken seriously by their leaders, to be spoken to rather than
- lectured at. He is thus not simply the most popular
- contemporary Russian political figure by far, but also the
- first genuinely popular Russian political figure since the
- Bolshevik Revolution.
- </p>
- <p> Though Yeltsin fits the label of populist, he possesses a
- depth of character and an integrity that make him much more
- than a Huey Long in a Siberian fur hat. Like many populists,
- Yeltsin has made his share of rash promises--to provide all
- Muscovites with an apartment by the year 2000, say, or to
- achieve a measurable improvement in living standards in two
- years. But unlike most, Yeltsin has taken his political lumps
- and recovered from them. He has perceptibly matured from the
- brash, almost bullying Moscow party boss of 1987, who boasted
- that he fired 40% of the party hacks who ran the city. Says
- Mikhail Poltaranin, a Yeltsin adviser who edited the
- pro-Yeltsin Moskovskaya Pravda in 1987: "When he was being
- attacked, he had to defend himself, and it was very unnerving.
- He made mistakes. Nowadays he's more balanced, calmer, more
- sure of himself."
- </p>
- <p> How serious is Yeltsin's conversion to liberal democracy?
- The hard-to-please Muscovite intelligentsia were deeply
- skeptical of Yeltsin at first. After all, as Moscow party boss
- he actually received a boisterous delegation from Pamyat, the
- openly anti-Semitic Russian ultranationalist organization. But
- suspicion turned to respect after Yeltsin won election to the
- Congress of People's Deputies in 1989 by winning 5 million out
- of the 5.5 million votes cast in Moscow.
- </p>
- <p> Yeltsin's popularity stems partly from the impression he
- conveys that he understands the daily frustrations of Russian
- life. Nothing has endeared him more to ordinary people than his
- denunciation of the privileges of the political elite. In his
- autobiography, Against the Grain, Yeltsin describes the
- opulence of the Politburo villa that he was offered (and turned
- down) in 1987, wickedly reminding readers along the way that
- the house had once been assigned to Mikhail Gorbachev. As party
- first secretary in Sverdlovsk during the 1970s, Yeltsin enjoyed
- the same perks that Gorbachev received in Stavropol province
- in the south. But while Gorbachev took to the privileges like
- an English earl to a grouse-shooting party, Yeltsin seemed to
- feel he had got them by sneaking over the earl's fence.
- </p>
- <p> Yeltsin is impulsive and can be downright cavalier in
- personal relations. The carpet outside his presidential office
- in the Byely Dom (literally, White House), the Russian Supreme
- Soviet building on the Moscow River, must have been worn thin
- by the pacing of visitors who never got to see him at the
- appointed hour. Yet Yeltsin genuinely loves people and thrives
- on contact with them. Says he: "If I don't meet with people for
- a time, I start getting nervous."
- </p>
- <p> What motivates Yeltsin above all else is his sense that he
- is a player in the drama of history. By calling for Gorbachev's
- resignation on television last month, Yeltsin believed he was
- summoning destiny to his side, helping allow Soviet citizens
- to make their own choices about their country's future.
- Gorbachev deserves the credit for setting the Soviet Union free
- from its repressive past, but Yeltsin may yet get the credit
- for breaking the Kremlin's present-day grip on the union
- itself.
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
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